President of Ukraine

Interview of Volodymyr Zelenskyy for The New York Times

19 December 2020 - 22:46

Full text of the interview of President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy for The New York Times. The conversation took place on December 16, 2020.

- Mr. President, good afternoon. Thank you for your time. Happy holidays to you. What are the plans for 2021, what are the main problems that will need to be addressed in Ukraine? 

- You started with the most difficult question. I used to live with global plans. When I became the President of Ukraine, in addition to strategic, major areas, unfortunately, we all got COVID-19, and we all live for the day. Every morning I wake up and receive monitoring information: starting from 7 am separately from the Ministry of Health, separately from the Prime Minister, separately from the National Security and Defense Council, from different regions about how many people got infected and where, as well as how many, unfortunately, died. I demand that I have detailed figures - who died, what age, how many doctors, what number of police officers, what percentage of teachers, all contact people, those who potentially have more contacts and can be carriers. And, of course, the number of children - sick and dead. But, thank God, statistics on children in our country and around the world is minimized, as children overcome the illness in an easier way. This morning my mood is better, because we have been receiving statistics of stabilization of this difficult situation for, say, two or three weeks in a row. Because about a month ago the wave started, and we’ve been receiving a daily increase of +1000 patients. For 40 million this is a lot, I think. And although doctors reassure me that this is normal compared to other European countries, you know that first of all you look at the situation, as they say, in your house, and then - at that of your neighbors. The neighbors’ situation is important, but still everyone thinks about their home. That's why this is the situation right now. Now the mortality rate has dropped, which is a good signal because the coronavirus is mutating, perhaps it is weakening or the human body is adapting resulting in a small mortality rate. But I believe that this is due to the medical system and doctors who have to cope faster. Speed ​​is very important in this matter, because we are fighting for people's lives. Unfortunately, I state that the medical system in Ukraine has been destroyed.

- I also have a question about the vaccine. But first I would like to ask about your tasks in the country. Your former head of the Administration (President's Office - ed.) Andriy Bohdan said that the Servant of the People party no longer has a decisive vote in the Rada. How will you be able to complete all the tasks? Are you ready, if necessary, to cooperate with Petro Poroshenko's party?

- The first question was difficult, and the second is not so pleasant. This is normal, this is life. Let me answer first about the plans, that is, how to implement them, because indeed some of them are related to voting. Plans. For the first time in 28 years we have opened the land market and passed important bills in this direction. There was everything - strikes, political influence of various financial groups, that’s true, absolutely nobody wanted us to pass the bill on the land - the main bill for today. Land reform has already begun - for the first time in 28 years. This is a great achievement. The second story is the infrastructure, which, I think, the country didn’t have, or I’d rather say it was very embarrassing for that infrastructure, there were no roads in Ukraine. When we talk about the next step, I will talk about investments, concessions and so on. And to invite someone, you need to understand that a person must somehow get to you.

And that's why you need to create the infrastructure - it's a showcase. There were many accusations against me that during the pandemic, I spent a lot of time on infrastructure. Now people have seen that our ambulances started getting to the sick fast. Our fire trucks began to arrive faster. And we, unfortunately, had this - in the east of Ukraine there was a big fire, and there were cases when they could not get there. And now you can get there not in a day, but in a few minutes. When extinguishing fires we saved a huge number of lives. Now we see that infrastructure is important. We have already made, and it has been confirmed, four thousand kilometers of roads this year, which is more than the total number of kilometers of roads made in the previous 10 years. In a year 10 times more was made than in 10 years in total. This, I believe, is the right step. To be honest, I am very proud of it, I think we all worked here. We can't stop. We really have a chance to build all infrastructure nodes in Ukraine in four or five years. We have built many bridges, which is also important. By the way, we are building the infrastructure starting with the connection with the occupied territories. Humanitarian cargo from both Ukraine and the Red Cross gets there now. We just built bridges, opened checkpoints there. It was not there before. The same was done in the territory adjacent to the Russian-occupied Crimean peninsula. Modern checkpoints have also been opened there. People come, they can get all administrative and financial services there, have a rest, take a shower.

These are important changes and important reforms not only in law, in words, but also in deeds. Next - investment, it's blood for the body. I believe Ukraine will die without them. Investment is needed. A large platform for privatization has been built, several thousand enterprises have been transferred to the State Property Fund, which is engaged in privatization. Small and medium-sized privatization has shot up - in terms of speed, all plans were overfulfilled. As for large-scale privatization, it was banned for the period of COVID-19, so it was stopped a bit, but a lot is being done there. An important law on concessions was passed, which had not existed previously. Several ports of Ukraine have already been transferred to foreign investors, agreements have been concluded, and they are already investing money. We have also approached a very important strategic stage - we have found a balance among law enforcement agencies, and the reform of the Security Service of Ukraine, which will not deal with the economy, will be launched. We have launched and actually completed the reform of the Prosecutor General's Office. This is not only the law - a lot has been reformatted, prosecutors have passed competitions. We have launched the Supreme Anticorruption Court, and there are already verdicts - it has been working for over a year. My inauguration as President was in May, and on September 5, we launched the Supreme Anticorruption Court. I think this is important as the sore place in Ukraine is the courts, and now there is the Supreme Anticorruption Court, now we are "fighting" with some judges of the Constitutional Court who want to destroy the anticorruption structure in Ukraine. They will not succeed. We will reformat it all. And the next big phase is the global judicial reform in Ukraine, which we will start implementing next year, because many laws have already been prepared, the stages of implementation of these reforms have been prepared. We are moving forward a little. Frankly, because of the pandemic, a lot of money for infrastructure was redirected to medicine, we increased the salaries of doctors. All doctors who struggle with COVID-19 today receive 300% of their salary.

Speaking of Poroshenko, you mentioned Andriy Bohdan, his words about the majority. Yes, there is an influence of large financial groups, sometimes called oligarchs, on all deputies of all parties. Indeed, the majority of the Servant of the People party does not benefit anyone. But the answer is simple: the laws are passed, and the result is on the scoreboard. Today we can look at the result: the laws are being adopted. Indeed, it is much more complicated than it was originally. But you have to understand that there are too many stakeholders willing to slow down the reforms that the President and the party want to carry out. It is clear that people in the party are different, and all people are alive, some of them are influenced in different ways, psychologically. All financial groups want to influence, including the financial groups of Medvedchuk and Poroshenko, which are also represented in the parliament. Therefore, regarding the answer to the second question whether we are ready to cooperate, I do not understand with whom. I am not ready to cooperate with oligarch Poroshenko. If within the parliamentary corps someone offers some good initiatives, then I know that all deputies cooperate with each other. Everything for the benefit of Ukraine is okay. But I’m not ready for anything related to lobbying or risks for Ukraine.

- Regarding the oligarchs. You said during the election campaign that you would defeat corruption. And corruption is a tool of the oligarchs. Do you think that oligarchs must be defeated to defeat corruption?

- Definitely. You see, this is a question that worries everyone. I was worried by that as a citizen. I believe that the oligarchs in this civilized world have two options: the oligarchs become big business, and then they have no influence on politics or the media. Then, if they pay taxes and provide jobs, the state has an excellent working relationship with them. If financial groups have political influence, engage in constant lobbying, have media outlets in which they are not just minority shareholders, but control information policy, big businessmen turn into oligarchs. And then the state must fight them. This is our case. I told you that they are represented in the Verkhovna Rada, and, unfortunately, I must state that the owners of all television groups today are such big businessmen, oligarchs, as we call them. When the state manages to prevent these things, then we will defeat the oligarchs.

Will we completely defeat corruption after defeating the oligarchs? No. Because it is not only by such means that corruption is defeated. I believe that digitization is needed first of all, so this is a separate area that we are working on. Less human contact with an official - more digital areas. We have already done a lot of things: both driver's licenses and a digital passport. We are the first in the world in this. We did this quickly: now all the subventions for small businesses will be received electronically again. Here is our big portal called "Diia" - a resource with all these licenses, passports, etc. - we accumulate everything on it, and today all our affected small businesses can get money by registering there if we introduce a lockdown.

- Kolomoyskyy openly criticizes the IMF's anticorruption requirements for regulation in the banking sector, he spoke about Ukraine's turn to Russia. What are you doing now to show that you do not share his views? If you don't share them ...

- I'm not sure that I should show anything, because usually this is done by those who want to show the public the falsity of their internal decisions. I believe the state clearly positions its policy. Ihor Kolomoyskyy is not the President. And he cannot speak on behalf of Ukraine, on behalf of the President of Ukraine, on behalf of the Government of Ukraine. These are statements of a businessman, one of oligarchs. As for our strategic partners, Ukraine has chosen strategic partners - the EU, the Alliance (NATO - ed.), the United States - these are our important partners who support us in the sanctions policy against Russian aggression in Donbas. As for me personally, my position is clear and direct: we, of course, want to be an independent, strong country. Of course, we want to see ourselves within the European Community, within the EU. Of course, we are grateful to the United States for supporting us, it is our strategic partner. We have become a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner. These are actions, not words. And great actions, so they lead to results. And anyone's statements cannot influence public opinion about Ukraine's geopolitical course.

- His (Ihor Kolomoyskyy's - ed.) position on the reform, promotion of the idea of "Soros' offspring" on his TV channel. How can you show that he will not affect the banking reform?

- Regarding the banking sector ... We have passed a very complex law on the impossibility of external influence on the banking sector. It was very difficult, its adoption took a very long time. Here, I would like international partners to analyze all parties that did not vote for this law. I think there is an answer. Because sometimes, declaring their democratic or pro-European position, some so-called pro-European parties within the walls of the Ukrainian parliament did not vote for this bill. It seems to me that this is another indicator of not empty rhetoric, not empty political maneuvering, but real action. I believe that we have won in this direction, so no one, including Mr. Kolomoyskyy, can influence the banking sector today.

The National Bank is independent. Monetary policy and the policy of the National Bank in general are independent today. They enjoy my full support. This also applies to anticorruption bodies. They understand perfectly well that I do not "break" them, I do not interfere in their serious cases. To be honest, they, on the contrary, turn to me for support and in very difficult situations receive this support. Although I do not interfere in the activities of law enforcement bodies, sometimes I turn to them, saying: "Let's speed up the process, because I’ve got a feeling that sometimes in serious cases you delay the process". After all, a person can be influenced when he gives such an opportunity. People gave me such a mandate of faith and trust that I believe no one can influence me due to this mandate.

- There will be a new President in the United States next year. What is your vision of the relationship between the United States and Ukraine?

- First, I want to thank the United States as a whole for its continued bipartisan support, as well as for the support of both the Senate and the Congress. We are strategic partners. It seems to me that the US attitude towards Ukraine is the same as the US attitude towards democracy. No matter who the President is, he will always respect democracy, and in the same way, no matter who the President is, he will always have such an attitude towards Ukraine. At least I think so.

The people of the United States themselves will not allow anti-Ukrainian rhetoric to anyone who represents the government, because America is actually showing its support, and we are grateful for the sanctions policy - it is serious. Both the Crimean sanctions and the Nord Stream were strategically important for us. And it was very difficult. As for the Nord Stream, the United States played the key role here. So I have to thank the United States of the period of Donald Trump and his administration for that. I am grateful for the fact that Ukraine has become a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner, for all the sanctions against Russia, and for training with NATO. Our relationship does not end. As for the economy, I think that these relations were not enough. I was really pleased with the messages of the new President, Mr. Joe Biden, who said that they, his team, have a concept of a global strategic vision for security in Europe. And, of course, this is very important for us. Because if we talk about security in Europe, the only war in Europe today is the war in Donbas. This is a war, a war of Ukraine. I think the new President Joe Biden knows Ukraine better than his predecessor, because even before his presidency he had, so to speak, deep relations with Ukraine and understands Russians well, understands the difference between Ukraine and Russia well and I think understands the mentality of Ukrainians well. This will greatly help strengthen these relations and give a boost to the settlement of the issue of the war in Donbas and the deoccupation of our territories. I think the US can add a lot to that.

- In the scandalous case of impeachment, you found yourself between Trump and Biden. Now that the election is over, do you think Ukraine will be free of American politics? Are you happy about that? In your opinion, given the elections in America and the competition between Trump and Biden is over, can Ukraine be free from this conflict?

- To be honest, I do not think that Ukraine was the object of this conflict, it is still the domestic policy of the United States. I have repeatedly said that I do not want Ukraine to be subjected in this direction, because it is not our country. We are wonderful partners. But where? Let's be excellent partners in geopolitics, in the economy between our countries, but certainly not between individuals, especially between the two contenders for the next President of the United States. Therefore, I do not believe that we were in this conflict. Okay, we were pulled into it. But I believe that we have behaved with dignity, as befits an independent country, even though it is territorially and numerically smaller than the United States. I meant that it is important to remain a geopolitical partner and strengthen the economic direction, which is lacking between our countries. Although there was a turnover of about 6 billion in 2019, although we are a large country, we are interested in LNG, agriculture, engineering, attracting American technology, sharing experience in the IT sector, because we have good specialists, and in the United States they are also great. Doing some great things, inventions in the future - that's the interest of cooperation with the United States, that's what I think Ukraine and the United States have lacked for a long time.

We are a spacefaring nation just as the United States of America. We can remember the 90s, when we had a spacecraft flight with our first Ukrainian astronaut Kadeniuk, and that case was prepared together with the United States, with partners. More than 20 years have passed, but there have not been such achievements in science, art, technology, medicine, such global modern things anymore. This is where the talents of the two states should be directed.

- Would you like the United States to play an active role in the negotiations to resolve the conflict with Russia? Should the United States participate in the Normandy format?

- I would really like that to happen. You know, we really don't want to run in place. Indeed, in the Normandy format that gave rise to the Minsk agreements, we have taken important steps. There are much less dead and wounded now. However, Donbas is dying without Ukraine. The presence of occupying forces there kills technology, education, medicine, there are environmental disasters due to flooded mines, looted plants. The situation is terrible, so I say rightly - Donbas is dying without Ukraine. Therefore, I believe that the United States of America can have a very strong influence. I believe that President Biden could step up our negotiations in the Normandy format, because he understands the issues of Ukraine and Russia well. Secondly, he spoke about security in Europe, and thirdly, we believe that it is not enough to talk simply about the end of the war. And what to do next? We need the reintegration of Donbas. And to reintegrate Donbas, you need strong companies, strong technology, security and money. And here, I think, we will not cope alone. We are planning a free economic zone in Donbas, so that there are certain preferences for business to enter. And here the United States of America could play a key role. Well, we understand that the United States today is a guarantor of security in the world, a serious strategic player, so such steps could accelerate the end of the war in Donbas and the beginning of large-scale construction, large-scale reintegration of Donbas.

There is another case. I believe that it is clear that we cannot do without the United States of America in the issue of Crimea, because the issue of Crimea and its deoccupation is not on the agenda of the Normandy format and the Minsk agreements. For six years, this issue has been suspended. Indeed, Europe and the United States have optionally done their best, but steps towards deoccupation must be taken by an appropriate union of states, a union of leaders that will map all steps to deoccupy the Crimean peninsula. We are now creating a "Crimean platform" and, of course, we would like to see in it those countries that will be key players, key guarantors of the return and deoccupation of Crimea. Return of Crimea and our territorial integrity. And the United States could be a leader in this direction.

- You said that Biden had extensive experience working with Russia and Ukraine, Eastern Europe. How useful could this experience be for Ukraine? Do you have an additional comment?

- At some point, unfortunately, we lost Special Representative for Ukraine in the United States Kurt Walker, he made very important connecting steps and was able to communicate both with Ukraine and with the Russian Federation, and knew all the information not by hearsay. I believe that the position has been lost, but there must be such a special representative or such a body. It is very important to choose a person who will take the necessary steps, who understands the Ukrainian mentality. It is important not to make a mistake in this personnel issue. Here, President Biden has all the best chances, because he has worked a lot with Ukraine, he is a practitioner and understands the mentality, understands the important points related to reforms. Knowing the reforms in Ukraine, he will understand and be able to distinguish real information from fakes. It is very important for the relations between Ukraine and the United States not to be severed. It is important to understand what is really happening. And it seems to me that this understanding of reality in Russia, in Ukraine, in Europe by the new President of the United States will give a great opportunity to resolve all conflict issues.

- Do you think that Turkey's intervention in the war in Karabakh, Maia Sandu's victory in Moldova and the protests in Belarus are examples of Russia losing influence in the former Soviet republics?

- We understand this well, because we have lived the whole life here, and we have remembered the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for many decades. And no one rejoiced when people died, ordinary citizens on both sides of this conflict. But it is impossible to compare the military conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and that between Ukraine and Russia, because we understand, for example, what a different mentality, different religions is. That's what's there. A complex conflict based on this. As for us, people who defend Ukraine in Donbas speak both Russian and Ukrainian. We do not have the question of language, our people are fighting for the independence of their country. Our people are at war with people of the same religion. It also happens. Therefore, it is impossible to compare. This is the most tragic and ridiculous - when Donbas was being occupied, they said that the Russian language was being taken away from Donbas. It was just a strong information attack by the Russian Federation. The example I gave you is when Russian-speaking people defend Ukraine's independence. So how can they take away the Russian language from Donbas?

Ukraine, I think, has not violated anything in relations with Russians. The world should have become liberal a long time ago and should settle issues in the legislative field, not with a machine gun in hands.

As for the weakening of Russia's influence, I don't know. I can say as a party to such a conflict, because I am the President of Ukraine and I see them (representatives of the Russian Federation - ed.), I see their presence. And they are also parties - together with Ukraine - to the Minsk agreements. And they are the party to this war. As long as they are parties to the war, I do not see what you are talking about.

As for Maia Sandu's victory in the elections, I will tell you frankly, the people of Moldova choose who they want. But before the elections, Ukraine could not express overt support to any of the candidates. Before Maia Sandu became President, she flew to Ukraine as Prime Minister, I met her and I know her position on Crimea, and I understood her position on Ukraine in general, on the war in Donbas much better than the position of former president Dodon. I was pleased to meet with Maia. I did not have contacts with other leaders of the government or the former government in Moldova for the clear reasons I have just explained to you. I support Maia, she knows that. I told her this before the elections - whatever the result is, we support you, I like Moldova in general with such a leader, and I wish it democratic development. Moldova deserves it.

- The question is, what if Russia pursues a more cautious policy, and will this open the possibility of achieving peace in Donbas? Do you see any changes that would show whether the window of opportunity will or will not open in Donbas?

- I consider all the conflicts that exist today in Europe and where there is presence of the Russian Federation in one way or another, terrible, and, of course, I wish everyone to end them. All these conflicts are an indication that wherever the territory was "frozen" - Transnistria, Abkhazia, Donbas, Karabakh - all these territories lose in terms of development over the years, they lose economically. But the worst thing is that people lose. When I say that people lose, I also mean people who live in these occupied territories. They lose because they sever ties with the central part of their country. They are "in the air", they do not develop, they suffer, and the worst thing is that they just live life without getting pleasure from it, and they doom all subsequent generations to such a life. Life in isolation at a time when the modern world is wider and much more beautiful. Therefore, I believe that this whole direction has no results in the future. But all these conflicts cannot be compared to the conflict between Ukraine and Russia, because we are very big. Ukraine is very big. And the way we defend our country - at the very beginning we showed that it is impossible to occupy Ukraine. Everyone will die here, but no one will give up the independence of our country.

- I have a question about this. Are you ready to fulfill Russia's demands and change the Constitution, to exclude NATO as a price for peace?

- There is nothing in the Minsk agreements about NATO membership, in the Normandy format there is nothing about NATO membership as well. Regarding the amendments to the Constitution in the sphere of decentralization, we say: this is in accordance with the Minsk agreements, we are ready for that. To change the Constitution in the way that we sometimes hear about in the media from the Russian Federation - here they know my position, I told Putin directly that I do not agree with that. I understand that we want separate powers, the right to choose, so that no one then speculates on language issues, so that the people of Donbas speak as they want - welcome, I think we should be as liberal as possible in all these things. We are doing all the changes in the framework of decentralization in the Constitution in accordance with Minsk. I said this to the President of the Russian Federation at a meeting in the Normandy format. We will do it, no matter what. We want people to have more power on the ground, more choice, to use money as they want, not to receive tasks from the central government. We do it anyway. If we want more preferences for Donbas  in this direction, such compromises are possible - these are normal compromises, without compromises the war will not end, I understand that. But there must be logic everywhere. There must be logic in all actions, in all compromises. Logic and result.

- Will peace in Donbas require a major truce between Russia and the West, or can peace be achieved even if what some call the "new cold war" between the West and Russia continues? Is it possible to achieve peace in Ukraine and how closely is it connected that it cannot be achieved without global peace between the West and Russia?

- I do not like to wonder about global things. I want to explain my position. When we say that the United States of America will sit at the table with the Russian Federation and they will agree on everything, on the whole world, I do not buy it. Because there are many different interests, and we must not forget that every small country has its own independence and wishes. And the big players will never be able to agree on everything in general, because each country has its own "I". And I, the President of Ukraine, would not like any global players to agree on the peace in Donbas and the conditions of this peace. It is important for us to be at this negotiating table, because without us it is impossible to reach an agreement. Because the party to this agreement is Ukraine.

- I have one question about the vaccine. Negotiations to purchase Pfizer vaccine - were they suspended due to the recent ban on exports of the drug from the United States? If the Russian Sputnik vaccine meets Ukraine's requirements, will you allow its production in your country?

- Andrew, I'll try to explain to you everything that's going on with the vaccine right now. I think you know this topic well, but I will say it, because I also deal with it deeply every day. I faced the fact that Ukraine's position in the world and in Europe in terms of the priority of countries has been lost. We are not on the list of countries that receive the vaccine first. I don't know how many decades have been lost since independence, but it is what it is, and I acknowledge that fact. I'm struggling with that.

That is why here we must be, so to speak, acrobats in politics, in order to somehow manage to get into the priority of countries, we must be very flexible, diplomatic. Of course, I would not want that, of course, I as President cannot support any law that blocks the export of vaccines just because it is another step towards the fact that we can be at the end of the vaccination queue, and therefore, more Ukrainians will die. I cannot support any such legislation in any country, even if it is our strategic partner, no matter what.

I believe that it is the United States and the United Kingdom that could have a very strong influence today on including Ukraine in the list of top-priority European countries that receive the vaccine first.

I believe that this issue could be another geopolitical blow, it will be another strong information war on the part of Russia, and everything depends on the United States. Why? Because the Sputnik vaccine is now offered in society and in the information space of Ukraine. The Russian Federation uses TV channels for this purpose, in particular Ukrainian ones, which are allies of the Russian Federation's policy. Of course, it is impossible to explain to Ukrainian society why not take the vaccine from Russia if America and Europe do not give you the vaccine. It is impossible to explain that to anyone who dies. Another thing is that we must not allow Ukraine to take a Russian vaccine that has not passed all the tests. You and I have no real evidence that this vaccine has a 100% positive effect. Moreover, I cannot take responsibility for a vaccine whose effects we do not know. Ukraine primarily bases its decision on choosing a safe vaccine.

- Are you ready to take Sputnik if it is safe?

- Everything is very simple. Ukraine will save its people, Ukraine will fight for our partners to give us a vaccine that has been confirmed - Moderna, Pfizer, AstraZeneca. This is what has been confirmed. We understand that some of these companies have plants all over Europe and even in the Russian Federation, as far as I know, so the issue here is primarily about the quality of a vaccine.

- We discussed a lot. I am very grateful and glad that you found time. Let us return to the situation with the post-Soviet countries. You are the most important democratic leader in the post-Soviet space. Do you feel competition with Putin or (leaders - ed.) of any other countries, such as Georgia, Belarus, which strive for that? What is your vision of your role in this area?

- I would like us to end the war in Donbas. I think this will be a very important step towards the end of such conflicts in the post-Soviet space. I really want to achieve this and I make every effort to do so. I believe that my experience, in case of a positive result, and the experience of my team will be indispensable in the future. I think it will help other countries, because I understand all the nuances and details of people’s suffering, where they need help, what humanitarian steps are needed. Because we have a war in our territory, not somewhere else.

As for leadership, I am very calm about it. I would like Ukraine to be a leader among these countries as an actor, as a country, as a powerful state, as a transparent state without corruption. This would be, in my opinion, the greatest reward for me and for our people. This is more important than any ambition of a single president in the history of a great country.

- Are there any questions that I did not ask, or subjects that we did not discuss, that you consider important for the American audience in terms of the fact that our President will soon change?

- I think there are important things that we talked very little about during the meeting with Donald Trump. I hope that when I meet Joe Biden, I will have an opportunity to discuss that fully and, most importantly, to implement that. I want our plans with the United States, especially economic ones, to be realized during my term and the term of the new President of the United States. First of all, I would like to invite him to Ukraine. I think this is very important, because the President of the strategic partner is very much awaited in our country.

As for economic things, of course, I would like American business to actively enter Ukraine. I would like us to feel investors and we are ready to help. I am personally ready to help, as we say, the crown will not fall from my head. I am ready to talk to any investors. Everyone: in the energy sector, in the financial sector, in agriculture. Plus, we would like some IT things that already exist in the United States of America to appear in Ukraine as symbols.

In addition to those fundamental things in industry, in mechanical engineering, I would like us to advance in terms of our relations in tourism, in terms of visa-free regime with the United States, so that our people can travel easily - at least those who work well in Ukraine, the United States and have joint ventures. Start with this. It seems to me that this would open the door to improving our relationship. I would like to build Hollywood in Ukraine, I think it's cool. In Europe, there are very good sites - in Prague, in Hungary. Ukraine, believe me, is rich to have such a site here. To do this, we voted for a law on rebates. I think this is a good place for investment, advertising and other types of filming are also a good direction. I would like Disneyland to appear in Ukraine. I would really like that. I really think that our children deserve that, but not everyone can afford to fly to the United States or to Paris. It seems to me that there are many plans.